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Celtic v Dundee United, Live updates

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  1. Turkeybhoy on

    St Tams

     

     

    “Bonus from today is Bit on won’t play on Wednesday”

     

     

    Just a sample of the glee some feel,about a Celtic player getting sent off.

     

     

    Shameful.

  2. Sionnaigh on

    Celtic will win no honours more this season if Anthony Ralston and Greg Taylor are first picks. Good players not anywhere near good enough. Mark my words.

  3. timhorton on

    Don’t come down on this old guy to hard but………………i think we will miss Biton on Wednesday.

  4. 67 European Cup Winners on

    It’s happening !!!!!!!!!!

     

     

    You know and I know

     

     

    It’s happening

     

     

    67ECW

  5. An Dún on

    Wednesday set up lovely now. If we have our finishing boots on then it’ll be three points. We may be missing more than our fair share of players but the game is their to be won.

     

     

    A win and their new year collapse will be well under way.

  7. fourstonecoppi on

    Sorry ghuys but Bitton is a good player and due to current injuries will be seriously missed on Wednesday

  9. Back to Basics - Glass Half Full on

    Just over 7 hours ago Celtic won a match in dramatic fashion.

     

     

    A genuine “hug a stranger” moment.

     

     

    Tremendous.

     

     

    The negatives (and, like Wednesday night, there were a few) … I can process later.

     

     

    For those who didn’t witness the game today highlights are available.

     

     

    Fresh from showing Clyde’s goals against Celtic from a Scottish Cup tie SIXTEEN years ago, BBC Sport Scotland produced a package from today’s game that would make Geobbels blush.

     

     

    The official Cinch highlights more accurately reflect a game in which Celtic had 75% possession and 20 attempts on goal while Dundee United didn’t have a single shot on target.

     

     

    Good night all.

     

     

    Hail hail

     

     

    Keep The Faith

  10. TheLurkinTim on

    Not that I’m one to say “I told you so”…but I telt yeez that (in my opinion) Abada was a more significant signing than Kyogo ;-))

     

     

    H.H.

  11. iljasb on

    A few days ago I said I felt positive about the Celtic vs newco fixture on Wednesday but was concerned about the influence of the MIB and the possibility of a moment of stupidity by Bitton. Well his moment of stupidity came early and he is now ineligible for the newco fixture leaving us weak in midfield. I’d give the captaincy to Joe Hart from now on. We need a captain who can stay on the field. Bitton has a self-combust button somewhere. I like him in midfield but he can self-combust and endanger the team.

     

     

    JF is no longer the threat he was and the biggest disappointment for me was GG’s lack of a goal – I thought he’d build on his previous performance now I’m wondering if he’s another Ajeti, albeit with more to his game. He should by now be putting in the goals fairly regularly.

     

     

    I can see it being close on Wednesday. The match is to be won as often in these fixtures in midfield and that’s were we are weakest. Who’ll replace Bitton? I don’t think James McC is ready to influence games in any major way. Up front who do we have? We’ll no doubt rely on GG but he could be a zero instead of a hero. Let’s hope it is the latter. It will be close and the men in black could be a major factor in the outcome.

  12. petec on

    Liel Abada was making excellent runs all the time Yesterday. He has real composure in front of goal and he certainly Njoi’d the goal.

     

     

    His finish after a magnificent Jota cross (he puts in cracking balls all the time) was Incredible. The sonic boom when that ball hit the net was unreal.

     

     

    Top of the League, hopefully Wednesday night. Watch the crumble after that.

     

     

    Big Nir should not have been put in either situation, Anthony’s bad touch and the Referees cumface at letting the most blatant foul on Greg Taylor to give United a go at winning just outside our box

     

     

    Scum Euan Anderson – get it right Fvcking up you – Cheating Scumbag.

     

     

    It was an emotional day and the Sun shone brightly just after the minutes applause for Wim started. Rest In Peace Celtic Legend. Murdo – 10 Men Won the League.

     

     

    God Bless All the Family’s affected by those terrible events 50 years ago.

  19. martin o'seville on

    Would Biton even be playing if we didn’t have all of our injuries which are due in the main to us asking players to run themselves into the ground rather than being smart and street wise and making the ball do the work?

     

    José like him or loathe him, has 4 European trophies because he wears his own clothes not by trying to wear the clothes that fitted a one off legendary never to be seen again team called the “Lisbon Lion’s” they don’t have players like them in any team nowadays never mind the current Celtic team who some say has been built back better, so much better that Ange would’ve been one game away from the demonstrations in the car park if not for Abada’s brilliant winner today. Biton “tried” to throw Ange under the bus in the early season European qualifiers, just like he did with NFL at Ibrox when he pulled down a going nowhere Morelos then he stood with one hand over one eye with a “why am I being cautioned?” look on his face which was fooling only the gullible and there’s plenty of them going around, and there he was today chucking in another grenade, is Ange really in charge? Is there a blind spot with Ange as to how sleekit one of his charges is or is there some other reason that Biton is still at Celtic for a decade now apart from the reason that, Celtic seem to be the only club stupid enough to give him a game?

     

    Brendan Rodgers name should’ve been chanted around the stadium today but when you have supporters who continue to back the very same board who created the circumstances were Brendan had to leave, then the mushroom treatment of these fans by this same board has certainly paid dividends. I’ve a sneaky feeling that Brendan was used back in 2016 by a desperate PLC who’s burning issues list consisted of, Ronny beaten by Warburton in SCSF, Trophy stripping, The Same Club issue, Ibrox returning to the top flight what would Celtic call them? so how would the PLC deal with these burning issues? Well, they dealt with them very simply, and very sneakily, the recruited a a squirrel called, Brendan Rodgers, and made the agitating fans drop their focus from the burning issues, allowing the PLC to pull off one of their most, if not thee most sleekit of tricks, the PLC gauged the temperature with Brendan’s arrival, the fans had gone gaga for Brendan, but that only allowed the sleekit PLC to spring a trap, by keeping oldfirm tickets at their 2012 price of £49, in 2016, the PLC viewed Ibrox as the same club, and Celtic fans fell into line behind them, which was a major mistake, and if your emotionally weak, then your weak, sharks don’t eat emotions they eat the weak, and the PLC sharks made their move, and set the clock ticking on their next move, getting rid of Brendan, the circus created by Brendan’s arrival allowed the PLC to answer the same club question in their own hideous way by keeping the ticket prices the same must mean same club? A single poster at that time, called “KEVJUNGLE”, pointed out this ticket price trap, but the poster was demonized as a moaner. The same hideous PLC were in charge for the 10 in a row season and that was also an “unexplained” disaster, but who needs to explain anything when 53,000 will financially vote the same PLC back into office no matter what they do, or don’t do?

     

     

     

     

     

     

     

     

     

     

     

    He’s played some good football this season but the daft moments are never far away.w

  23. martin o'seville on

    You don’t need to love the union to see through the anti-Celtic SNP and the disaster that they’d dump on millions of innocent people, 35% of voters vote SNP and yet them and their two faced supporters and cowed media would tell everybody that the SNP represent the majority of Scot’s which they don’t. Start telling the warts and all truth and folk might give them a hearing, but the truth would see them in the dock, until then only mugs would entertain the SNP. Only, Corbyn, Galloway, Chris Williamson, and Sinn Fein, are the folk who’ll tell the truth and that is the truth.

     

     

    Wishaw Tim CSC 👍

  25. petec on

    Do them on Wednesday Celtic.

     

     

    I, will be charged up for the first time ever against old or new Rangers. No evil eyes in Paradise.

     

     

    I’m sure SKY will insist on away fans being there next Season.

     

     

    I expect to have no voice for at least 48 hours efter the Madhun blows the Final Whistle.

  26. JHB on

    CELTIC40ME @ 11:22

     

    ——-

     

    “When the facts change, I change my mind. What do you do, sir?”

     

     

    Everything in the history of the world has happened because someone at sometime changed their mind.

     

     

    The dilemma is…if you simply won’t agree but can’t disagree – put up a manufactured grievance and stick to it like a ‘broken-record’ In Scotland this happens every day.

  27. TheLurkinTim on

    So Nir Bitton is our new escsped goat…makes me wonder whst any of our Managers seen in him ;-))

  36. lionroars67 on

    Bloody Sunday—state terror used to crush dissent

     

    Fifty years ago British troops opened fire on the streets of Derry. Simon Basketter explores how the British state murdered innocent people on Bloody Sunday—and then tried to get away with it

     

    In a deliberate act of mass murder, ordered from the top, British ­paratroopers massacred unarmed civilians in Derry in Northern Ireland 50 years ago.

     

     

    The Tory government wanted to crush the Civil Rights Movement, which had flourished in the late 1960s in protest at the second class treatment of Catholics.

     

     

    British troops were sent into Northern Ireland in August 1969. The armed sectarian police force in the North could no longer ­contain an effective insurrection in Derry, the province’s second largest city.

     

     

    People were fighting back against a system where access to jobs, housing, and effective votes depended on whether you were Catholic or Protestant.

     

     

    The Labour government acted to prop up a Unionist government that ran Northern Ireland as a sectarian, one party state.

     

     

    Just five months before the 30 January massacre, ­internment without trial was introduced. Hundreds of Catholics were rounded up, detained and tortured. A march was organised in opposition to internment—and was deemed illegal.

     

     

    It was scheduled to begin in the Creggan area of Derry and to weave through the Bogside before proceeding to Guildhall Square in the city centre.

     

     

    It never got that far. Soldiers went into the Bogside and opened fire. Thirteen died on the day and one more shortly after. A month earlier, General Harry Tuzo, the army commander in Northern Ireland, told the then Tory government it had to make a choice.

     

     

    It was “between accepting that Creggan and Bogside were areas where the army was not able to go or to mount a major operation which would involve, at some stage, shooting at unarmed civilians.”

     

     

    On 7 January 1972 General Robert Ford declared in a memo to Tuzo, “I am coming to the conclusion that the ­minimum force necessary is to shoot selected ringleaders.”

     

     

    Four days later prime ­minister Ted Heath told his cabinet, “A military operation to reimpose law and order would be a major operation necessarily involving numerous civilian casualties.”

     

     

    Bloody Sunday meant the end of the Civil Rights Movement. The massacre drove young men and women to join the Provisional IRA.

     

     

    Within weeks of Bloody Sunday the government replaced the Unionist Stormont parliament with direct rule from Westminster.

     

     

    The British ­government tried to cover up the truth of its butchery from the moment the last shot was fired. The army claimed it fired because it was shot at by the IRA and that demonstrators were armed with nail bombs. This was a lie.

     

     

    Former head of the British Army, Sir Michael Jackson, was second in command in Derry on Bloody Sunday. He wrote entirely false reports of what the soldiers did on the day, including a number of alleged personal accounts of senior officers and a shot list. It describes unnamed people firing an inaccurate number of bullets at people who, in ­reality, were in completely different places.

     

     

    Apparently bullets went through entire buildings. Lord Chief Justice, Lord Widgery, the highest judge in Britain, headed an inquiry. It was a whitewash. Successive governments continued to cover up the truth about Bloody Sunday.

     

     

    It took long campaigning by relatives of the murdered to get their names cleared. Finally in 1998 the Labour government set up a new public inquiry under Lord Saville.

     

     

    In 2003 Jackson gave ­evidence to it. He could remember next to nothing and could not explain why none of the shots described in his list appeared to match any actually fired.

     

    Jackson agreed that he must have been ordered by someone to write down his fiction—but couldn’t remember who. But he said, “The ­requirement may have been instigated in London”.

     

     

    Jackson’s documents were at the time of the massacre used in press releases, in ­parliament and at the first inquiry to prove the army’s version of events.

     

     

    But Saville concluded, “We have found no evidence that anyone involved in military information falsified any Army or government document relating to Bloody Sunday, nor any evidence that anyone involved in military information disseminated to the public anything about Bloody Sunday, knowing or believing that information to be untrue.”

     

     

    The reality, was that ­evidence Saville showed revealed that the orders for the massacre of civilians came from the top of the British establishment with, at least, the connivance of the British government.

     

     

    Jackson ended up head of the British army.Bloody Sunday exposes the brutality at the heart of the British state. And it also shows that if anything critical of the state emerges, our rulers will try to convince us that it was an aberration.

     

     

    Importantly there was a wave of revolt immediately after Bloody Sunday in both the north and south of Ireland. There were strikes, ­protests and riots across Northern Ireland. In every major town thousands stopped work, marched, and occupied British‑owned businesses.

     

     

    A week after Bloody Sunday, 50,000 defied a ban and marched in Newry. In Southern Ireland ­thousands immediately gathered in angry protest outside the British embassy in Dublin. Thousands of workers joined a general strike.

     

     

    Marched

     

     

    In Cork for three days ­running 10,000 people marched. Irish prime minister Jack Lynch was forced to declare 2 February, the day of the victims’ funerals, a public holiday.

     

     

    Some 100,000 people marched, burning the British embassy to the ground. Some 15,000 people marched in London.

     

     

    Bernadette Devlin, now McAliskey, the socialist and Westminster MP, punched the Tory home secretary Reginald Maudling in the face.

     

    At a protest afterwards she said, “Maybe you felt better after I had hit Maudling in the House of Commons. But if you think my fist is going to bring down the Tory ­government, you’ve got another think coming.

     

     

    “The Labour Party certainly isn’t going to do it, and the only people who can do it is you. Look around Britain today and you will see the miners being kicked on their picket lines.

     

     

    “It is not our function in life to die for Ireland. It is our ­function to live, work and ­struggle for a ­workers’ republic.

     

    “It is not sympathy or ­feelings of frustration that are needed now. You must go away ­determined to organise and act.”

     

     

    Features

     

    Bloody Sunday—state terror used to crush dissent

     

    Fifty years ago British troops opened fire on the streets of Derry. Simon Basketter explores how the British state murdered innocent people on Bloody Sunday—and then tried to get away with it

     

     

    British troops killed 13 people on Bloody Sunday in Derry on 30 January 1972. A 14th person died later

     

    In a deliberate act of mass murder, ordered from the top, British ­paratroopers massacred unarmed civilians in Derry in Northern Ireland 50 years ago.

     

     

    The Tory government wanted to crush the Civil Rights Movement, which had flourished in the late 1960s in protest at the second class treatment of Catholics.

     

     

    British troops were sent into Northern Ireland in August 1969. The armed sectarian police force in the North could no longer ­contain an effective insurrection in Derry, the province’s second largest city.

     

     

    People were fighting back against a system where access to jobs, housing, and effective votes depended on whether you were Catholic or Protestant.

     

     

    The Labour government acted to prop up a Unionist government that ran Northern Ireland as a sectarian, one party state.

     

     

    Just five months before the 30 January massacre, ­internment without trial was introduced. Hundreds of Catholics were rounded up, detained and tortured. A march was organised in opposition to internment—and was deemed illegal.

     

     

    It was scheduled to begin in the Creggan area of Derry and to weave through the Bogside before proceeding to Guildhall Square in the city centre.

     

     

    It never got that far. Soldiers went into the Bogside and opened fire. Thirteen died on the day and one more shortly after. A month earlier, General Harry Tuzo, the army commander in Northern Ireland, told the then Tory government it had to make a choice.

     

     

    It was “between accepting that Creggan and Bogside were areas where the army was not able to go or to mount a major operation which would involve, at some stage, shooting at unarmed civilians.”

     

     

    On 7 January 1972 General Robert Ford declared in a memo to Tuzo, “I am coming to the conclusion that the ­minimum force necessary is to shoot selected ringleaders.”

     

     

    Four days later prime ­minister Ted Heath told his cabinet, “A military operation to reimpose law and order would be a major operation necessarily involving numerous civilian casualties.”

     

     

    Bloody Sunday meant the end of the Civil Rights Movement. The massacre drove young men and women to join the Provisional IRA.

     

     

    Within weeks of Bloody Sunday the government replaced the Unionist Stormont parliament with direct rule from Westminster.

     

     

    The British ­government tried to cover up the truth of its butchery from the moment the last shot was fired. The army claimed it fired because it was shot at by the IRA and that demonstrators were armed with nail bombs. This was a lie.

     

     

    Former head of the British Army, Sir Michael Jackson, was second in command in Derry on Bloody Sunday. He wrote entirely false reports of what the soldiers did on the day, including a number of alleged personal accounts of senior officers and a shot list. It describes unnamed people firing an inaccurate number of bullets at people who, in ­reality, were in completely different places.

     

     

    Apparently bullets went through entire buildings. Lord Chief Justice, Lord Widgery, the highest judge in Britain, headed an inquiry. It was a whitewash. Successive governments continued to cover up the truth about Bloody Sunday.

     

     

    It took long campaigning by relatives of the murdered to get their names cleared. Finally in 1998 the Labour government set up a new public inquiry under Lord Saville.

     

     

    In 2003 Jackson gave ­evidence to it. He could remember next to nothing and could not explain why none of the shots described in his list appeared to match any actually fired.

     

     

    Jackson agreed that he must have been ordered by someone to write down his fiction—but couldn’t remember who. But he said, “The ­requirement may have been instigated in London”.

     

     

    Jackson’s documents were at the time of the massacre used in press releases, in ­parliament and at the first inquiry to prove the army’s version of events.

     

     

    But Saville concluded, “We have found no evidence that anyone involved in military information falsified any Army or government document relating to Bloody Sunday, nor any evidence that anyone involved in military information disseminated to the public anything about Bloody Sunday, knowing or believing that information to be untrue.”

     

     

    The reality, was that ­evidence Saville showed revealed that the orders for the massacre of civilians came from the top of the British establishment with, at least, the connivance of the British government.

     

     

    Jackson ended up head of the British army.Bloody Sunday exposes the brutality at the heart of the British state. And it also shows that if anything critical of the state emerges, our rulers will try to convince us that it was an aberration.

     

     

    Importantly there was a wave of revolt immediately after Bloody Sunday in both the north and south of Ireland. There were strikes, ­protests and riots across Northern Ireland. In every major town thousands stopped work, marched, and occupied British‑owned businesses.

     

     

    A week after Bloody Sunday, 50,000 defied a ban and marched in Newry. In Southern Ireland ­thousands immediately gathered in angry protest outside the British embassy in Dublin. Thousands of workers joined a general strike.

     

     

    Marched

     

     

    In Cork for three days ­running 10,000 people marched. Irish prime minister Jack Lynch was forced to declare 2 February, the day of the victims’ funerals, a public holiday.

     

     

    Some 100,000 people marched, burning the British embassy to the ground. Some 15,000 people marched in London.

     

     

    Bernadette Devlin, now McAliskey, the socialist and Westminster MP, punched the Tory home secretary Reginald Maudling in the face.

     

    At a protest afterwards she said, “Maybe you felt better after I had hit Maudling in the House of Commons. But if you think my fist is going to bring down the Tory ­government, you’ve got another think coming.

     

     

    “The Labour Party certainly isn’t going to do it, and the only people who can do it is you. Look around Britain today and you will see the miners being kicked on their picket lines.

     

     

    “It is not our function in life to die for Ireland. It is our ­function to live, work and ­struggle for a ­workers’ republic.

     

    “It is not sympathy or ­feelings of frustration that are needed now. You must go away ­determined to organise and act.”

     

    ‘It is what happens to people in a class society’

     

    Eamonn McCann was one of the organisers of the civil rights march in Derry in 1972. He has campaigned for the truth to come out about the massacre ever since. He spoke at a rally organised last week by People Before Profit in Derry. This is an excerpt from his speech.

     

     

    “The people who refuse to come clean about Bloody Sunday—the ruling class, the establishment, whatever you want to call them—are the same people who won’t complain about any other aspect of life.

     

     

    These are people who swear that they are in favour of equality and yet entrench the rotten rich above us all and concentrate on making the poor poorer.

     

     

    The people swearing that they were committed to the environment go round the next day with investments in fossil fuels, fuelling the fires that scorch the earth. Bloody Sunday is not just a discrete thing that happened in Ireland back in 1972.

     

    Remember 1970 in Kent State after Richard Nixon ordered the bombing of Cambodia. Students protested, and the National Guard killed four people.

     

     

    Eleven days later, protesting black students at Jackson State College were killed by the cops. Those things are connected. They are coming from the same root. They are all examples of what happens to people living in a class divided society.

     

     

    If they rise up, their lives count for nothing. The Bloody Sunday committee produced a poster that said Jail Jackson. Michael Jackson was a captain on Bloody Sunday. His career afterwards rose like a rocket. Eventually he was appointed Chief of the General Staff—number one soldier, right at the very top.

     

     

    What he did on Bloody Sunday was to cover up murder and to tell lies about it. And he lied when he gave evidence at the Saville tribunal in London. Saville rightly exonerated all the dead and the wounded. But Saville also exonerated Jackson, and that was part of the cover-up too.

     

     

    It was a triumph that the dead were declared innocent. But that doesn’t detract from the fact that it was based upon exonerating the British Army. What Bloody Sunday illustrates is the way in which the state can murder its own. Bloody Sunday shows that the class which rules over us is rotten to the core.”

  40. Big Jimmy on

    CELTICFOREVER on 29TH JANUARY 2022 6:41 PM

     

    I would go with Abada as striker instead of the big greek

     

     

     

     

     

     

    hes as sharp as a tck in the box

     

    ………..

     

    I agree mate.

     

    Call me old fashioned but Ive always wanted to see Celtic Centre Forwards get on the end of a CROSS with their HEAD now and then, when the ball is played into the oppostions penalty box.

     

    Although we had some poor CROSSING yesterday, we still fired in enough Crosses for GIO to get himelf on the end of one. For a big guy, he disappoints me in that respect.

     

    HH

  41. Melbourne Mick on

    Hello again all you young rebels

     

     

    From a very happy, sunny, exited for the future Melbourne.

     

    Didn’t take long for me to learn not to concede dropped points until the final

     

    whistle with Angie’s bhoys, and although with only minutes

     

    left I still felt we could do it, and we did.

     

    It’s all been said about the MIB, absolutely a blatant cheat, and

     

    although big Nir is getting it tight from some, I felt he took one

     

    for the team and he would have been my MOTM.

     

    Opinions eh 🤪

     

    On to Wed. A defeat for the bilious bigots will in my opinion

     

    lead to a disentegration of that rancid organisation hopefully

     

    for good .

     

    I’ll drink to that. 🍷🍺🥃🍹🍻

     

    H H. Mick

  42. celticforever on

    I think the big Greek is lacking a bit of confidence at the moment

     

     

    He is doing a lot of things right, he never hides and is always round

     

    about the penalty area when crosses come in

     

     

    Just at the moment his control is letting him down and nothing sticks to him

     

    meaning his second touch is usually a free kick given away

     

     

    Hope it comes as he always gives 100%

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